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FutureStarrHonduras' Coup d'Etat May End a Fragile Peace Process
A Coup d'etat is a political maneuver which has existed for as long as the 17th century. While coups may seem like an unusual strategy in developed nations, they are not. While they weaken regimes and invite challenges, they are a necessary evil for the world. A coup may also be necessary for a fragile peace process between a central government and armed ethnic groups.
The term "Coup d'etat" translates to "stroke of the state." The idea is that the first coup involved coordinated efforts to unseat the government and install a new one. The first such coup is attributed to Napoleon Bonaparte's power grab in France in 1799, according to a study published in the journal Terrorism and Political Violence in 1994.
The term "Coup d'etat" has its roots in French. The French term means "stroke of state." Because of this origin, the final t and p are pronounced differently. Nevertheless, "coup" has become a shorthand for coup d'etat. As of today, coup d'etat is used in almost all cases to refer to a military-led coup.
The author Joseph Sany, vice president of the Africa Center of the US Institute of Peace, said that while all coups have similar characteristics and are often carried out when state institutions are weak, the circumstances are different. The 'domino effect' label ignores the differences and absolves the world community of its duty to support democratic institutions. He argues that the world should work to prevent such a coup from spreading, and call for international help to build sustainable democratic institutions in those countries.
Historically, coups have been a staple of African politics, particularly after independence. Between 1945 and 1986, over 200 attempted coups were carried out in 79 countries. Among them, Burkina Faso had the most successful coups, with eight successful ones and only one unsuccessful one. But the authors point out that sometimes, the leaders of a coup deny the takeover is a coup. For instance, the military took over Zimbabwe, ending the 37-year rule of Robert Mugabe. During the takeover, Maj Gen Sibusiso Moyo denied the coup had occurred, while the military put the country's son in power, and opponents called it a dynastic coup.
A neoliberal democratic programme was introduced to West Africa after the Cold War. It promised to liberate the continent from authoritarian and military rule, and to promote democratic institutions and the rule of law. But it was not enough to solve Africa's governance challenges. It was still necessary to take steps forward and reorient to local circumstances. In the meantime, coups continue to take place in the region, bringing new challenges and new opportunities.
While the spectre of a military coup is frightening, few have succeeded in overthrowing a democratically elected government. Most putsch-makers hand power over to the next in the line of constitutional succession, or preside over new democratic elections. For instance, in Honduras, when the military overthrew Manuel Zelaya, they immediately held new elections and installed Porfirio Lobo as the new president. A "good coup" hypothesis, however, is unfounded. Only a few coup attempts have a chance of advancing a democracy.
Western countries have vested interests in the region, from brutal colonialism in Africa to debt strangleholds on poor nations. While Western nations are rightfully worried about the instability of the region, these sanctions do not address the real needs of the people or offer viable pathways toward democracy. Furthermore, blanket sanctions often alienate citizens rather than address the root cause of the crisis and precipitate further instability.
A failed coup can extend the rule of a regime by giving its leaders greater legitimacy and justifying even greater repression against its opponents. In the case of the Zimbabwean coup, the military overthrew President Robert Mugabe after 37 years. But Maj Gen Sibusiso Moyo denied the coup. In Chad, the coup resulted in the installation of his son as interim president. However, opponents called the coup a dynastic coup.
While African coups are similar, the specific circumstances of each country's recent history are important. For instance, Mali, Sudan, and Burkina Faso were grappling with violent extremism from al-Qaeda affiliates and ISIS in the Sahel. Both countries have since adopted democratic traditions based on the results of the elections. The current president of the country, however, was elected through a contested election.
As it stands, the coup is the first major change to the country since the independence from British colonialism. It ends a fragile peace process between central government and armed ethnic groups in the country. As a result, the government and ethnic armed groups are now faced with the question of whether to work together or to fight back. The government and ethnic armed groups have been in power for seven days.
The government and armed ethnic groups had been in talks over a new constitution. But the CRPH quickly moved to overturn the NLD's policy of non-violent resistance. The NLD's armed ethnic groups were not on board with the idea of an army. Only the CNF signed an agreement to fight the Tatmadaw alongside the NUG. Other ethnic armed groups have remained silent because of their mistrust of the new government and the reluctance to fight the Tatmadaw head-on.
The CRPH/NUG is under huge public pressure to deliver results. It must also show that it is capable of challenging the military regime. However, there are no guarantees that it will do so. The armed ethnic groups will not engage in meaningful peace negotiations if the coup goes through. A recent report by the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund suggested that the armed ethnic groups may re-join the negotiations if the junta takes power.
Despite the apparent lack of legitimacy, the Myanmar regime insists on a peaceful process. The coup's day-of announcement on October 2021 saw Min Aung Hlaing announce a five-point road map. Among these, the fourth point, eternal peace for the country, was a reaffirmation of the NCA.
If this coup has any chance of succeeding, it should not be viewed as a quick fix, because it will only cause further problems. A successful coup has the potential to destroy the country's economic development. Historically, coups have resulted in more economic hardship than they bring to the country. Many of these coups have been overthrown after only a few days, and the effects are still being felt.
While serving under the PNDC, flight lieutenant Jerry John Rawlings remained defiant about the coup d'etat and confident that he would face a trial. Rawlings' wife later revealed that he had complained about corruption and abuse of office. However, he was caught up in the coup. A year later, he was detained and placed on trial.
The PNDC attempted to retain control of the armed forces by attacking the military. The coup was a violent escalation of events that began in January 1966. The coup was allegedly initiated by a group of junior officers who had not mastered the art of coup planning. Nevertheless, they failed to seize state power. The coup was overthrown by Major General Johnson Aguiyi Ironsi, who eventually came to be known as the country's first military ruler. The coup was a reaction to the use of soldiers to quell unrest in the lower northern region and calls for the military to supervise the 1964 elections.
The military's involvement in the coup effort was widely interpreted as an attempt by the northerners to seize power. In addition to the military's role in the coup, the soldiers felt like sectional representatives. The PNDC also sought to restore the federation's "federal character" in order to maintain its dominance over the armed forces.
Despite these challenges, the country has maintained political stability for the past 24 years. The PNDC will have to address these challenges in the aftermath of the coup d'etat to ensure that the development agenda can move forward. A long time of political instability has weakened the country's ability to move forward in its development plans.
The PNDC was also under fire for its efforts to wrest control of the armed forces. The coup plotters planned to strike simultaneously in the three regional capitals. They planned to arrest leading politicians and kill senior military officers. They also planned to strike just prior to the Commonwealth Conference in order to distract President Balewa from the army's suspicious movements.
The PNDC had many successes in the 1960s, but this failed largely because the PNDC was incapable of controlling the armed forces. The armed forces were largely unreliable, with a long history of abuse. They were even accused of defamation and torture - and were punished by military officers.
Ultimately, the PNDC's strategy of using the armed forces to suppress the armed opposition failed to work. In the wake of the coup, the surviving members of the Federal cabinet handed over control to Ironsi. Ironsi imposed several laws and suspended some parts of the constitution. He also banned all political parties. In the aftermath of the coup, he reformed the Supreme Military Council and became the new president of the country.
In addition to the constitution, the PNDC attempted to revert the repressive measures that had resulted from the coup d'etat in '66. The Constitution also stipulated an indemnity provision, which prevented individuals associated with the military regimes from being prosecuted. As a result, the Commission's work focused on human rights violations that took place between 1957 and 1993.
The coup d'etat that toppled Ghana's first president on 24 February 1966 reignited the debate within the Soviet bloc about the prospects of socialism in Africa. As a result, Soviet officials concluded that the development of close ties with African nations was imperative for advancing socialism in the region. This article explores the role played by the Soviet Union and other Warsaw Pact nations, including Czechoslovakia, in the country's history.
The Soviet Union had relations with Ghana's junta, but its policy on the coup d'etat was inconsistent. The Soviets sent a ship loaded with weapons to West Africa, but the ship was quickly recalled. Moreover, the United States was forced to withdraw its diplomats, so it became increasingly difficult for the Soviets to exert pressure.
The Soviet Union's economic aid failed to help Ghana, as joint ventures remained unprofitable due to mistakes in planning and supply. The military coup in Ghana was the result of falling living standards and the collapse of the economy. This put the Soviet leadership in a difficult position, as recognition of the military-police junta was prohibited by the country's foreign policy.
The USSR's reaction to the coup in Ghana in 1966 was quite different from that of the United States. The United States and the Soviet Union both made a mistake by not supporting Nkrumah's coup. They sided with the bourgeoisie in Ghana, and in fact, the latter were the ones that supported the coup. In fact, the bourgeoisie in Ghana had been largely eliminated by the junta.
The new government of Ghana enacted a number of policy changes aimed at improving the country's economy. Firstly, Nkrumah signed trade pacts with socialist countries without thinking about the impact on Ghana. For example, the country brought in shoddy equipment for the refinery, and oil from Russia had to be shipped to the country and refined in a new refinery. The new refinery was designed for Nigerian oil, but the new government allowed Russian oil to be refined in the country.
The role of the Soviet Union in Ghana's development is complex and contested. The political situation in Ghana is a crucible of conflicting social forces, and a workers' state would have enormous challenges. In the northern part of the country, tribal chiefs and ethnic gangs opposed compulsory primary schooling. It was not until the end of the coup d'etat that the country had finally moved toward a workers' state.
In early 1962, Nkrumah's main concern was the future of the African continent. He was an advocate for African unity and a "continental union government." He believed that colonial balkanization in Africa would lead to chaos. However, he also admired Nkrumah's ruthlessness in exercising his power. The size of Ghana prevented it from competing with Nigeria in power and could easily humiliate it in its neighbors' eyes.
While the coup d'etat has led to the dissolution of state monopolies, the impact on the economy is still relatively limited. While FDI remains a major driver of economic growth, it remains restricted to a small number of sectors and is only effective in medium to large enterprises. Government subsidies remain high, but the overall pricing regime is more liberal than before. However, the state's influence on land and property is still high. Furthermore, the economy is heavily dependent on foreign direct investment and the unregulated informal sector continues to be a burden, consuming disproportionate amounts of government resources. Furthermore, the informal sector is thriving, though oil and cocoa are still largely state-controlled and heavily influenced by the state-run cocoa board.
Despite this, the country's political and economic stability remained relatively stable during the period under review. The country also underwent parliamentary and presidential elections. Although the presidential campaigns were tense, the elections were generally peaceful and free. However, the National Democratic Congress has requested a review of the elections and has called for an independent audit of the results. Nevertheless, local observers have hailed the elections as free and fair.
The coup d'etat imposed a new economic structure and economic policy, and the new government implemented a series of policies that the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund recommended. These policies included the shift of money in the national budget away from agriculture and industrialization and into the military. In addition, the government privatized national assets and abandoned its national capital. While Nkrumah had strongly condemned the development projects of multinational companies, his new government allowed foreign conglomerates to operate on preferential terms. However, these policies did not reduce the country's debt or increase exports.
While the economy is growing, the distribution of wealth remains uneven. According to the Gini Index, Ghana lost 28% of its human development in 2018 as a result of inequality. However, this lack of equality is not due to economic inequalities; it reflects regional disparities. The northern region is marginalized, correlated with the majority of Muslims in the north. In addition, the southern part has better infrastructure and is a major centre of urbanization.
The country's economy benefited from continued donor support and high levels of remittances. However, the percentage of Official Development Assistance has decreased in recent years. High inflation and a weak cedi continue to pose challenges to economic growth. In addition, the government's fiscal deficit continues to be problematic, impairing the government's ability to make necessary adjustments to its economy. In addition, the public debt was 62.8% of GDP as of 2019.
Despite the economic problems faced by the country, Ghana still boasts a vibrant media and a functional political system. Nevertheless, self-seeking individuals and groups should never have the opportunity to influence the military. They should be left to their own devices. If this is the case, then Ghana will suffer from long-term economic consequences. If the country's economic development is to continue to improve, it must eliminate these problems before the situation deteriorates.